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February 5, 2012

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January 6, 2012

American Policy Suggestions from a Chicago Sports Fan: The Bears Fired Jerry Angelo, But Is It Enough to Save the Economy? by Matt McKenna

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Most Americans are familiar with the two economic bubbles that severely disrupted the U.S. economy during the aughts: the dot-com bubble that burst in 2001 and the real estate bubble that began to deflate in 2006. Blame for these speculative manias have been hurled—fairly and unfairly—at myriad individuals and organizations. Many pundits blame politicians for lack of oversight. Fault has also been directed towards the financial institutions that gambled away the national economy for short-term profit. Still others blame regular, “main street” Americans who personally over-leveraged themselves. With so many accusations of stupidity and impropriety bandied about, it is a wonder that nary a word has been written or uttered regarding the most damaging catalyst of modern economic bubbles. This, of course, is a problem since all the well-meaning regulation our government can muster will be for naught if it doesn’t first address the market distorting effects of former Chicago Bears general manager Jerry Angelo.

To understand the economic bubbles of the previous decade, one must first understand another type of bubble introduced by the recently dismissed Angelo administration. These bubbles were and are created not by inflated stock prices or outrageous valuations, but by building a sub-par Bears team that nonetheless goes on to have an inexplicably fantastic season. Examples of “win bubbles” include a Chicago team that had no business going 13-3 and winning the division in 2001 and another that played in the 2006 Super Bowl despite starting Rex Grossman at quarterback. Like all bubbles, these win bubbles eventually burst, and chagrined Bears fans are left to ponder why they bothered to put on clothes and walk to the bar just to see their hapless team get crushed by three touchdowns to one of the lesser franchises in one of the lesser divisions in a game in which the opposing team was missing crucial members of their offensive line and were clearly outmatched on both sides of the ball. The pain, however, is not limited solely to Bears fans. Indeed, once optimism in the Bears’ future playoff opportunities falters, it is empirically demonstrable that economic bubbles will soon start to pop and the stock market will tank. This is the pain felt by the wider economy.

Jerry Angelo became the General Manager for Chicago Bears in 2001, inheriting a 5-11 club and a stock market that had already dropped 27% between January 1st and September 23rd when the Bears notched their first win of the season. The Bears then rattled off five more consecutive victories and went on to surprise sports and economic analysts by accumulating a 13-3 record. Fan expectations for the next season rose, and the economy appeared to stabilize. By the time the regular season ended with the Bears as an unlikely division champion, the S&P was up 21% from its 2001 low point.

Of course, that’s not the end of the story. After a brutal home playoff loss to the Philadelphia Eagles and a disheartening 4-12 follow-up season, expectations once again plummeted. This correction propelled the dot-com bust to new lows and lead to a -22.10% annual return for the S&P 500 in 2002.

As dramatic as the collapse of the 2001 win bubble was, it pales in comparison to the 2006 version. The Bears finished the previous season with a respectable 11-5 record and a trip to the playoffs. Fans, still skeptical from the previous bubble, were cautiously optimistic about the next season’s possibilities. To the (temporary) joy of Bears followers and economists alike, the 2006 season was even more spectacular than could reasonably be hoped as the team finished the regular season 13-3 and made it all the way to the Super Bowl. The stock market responded and the S&P 500’s annual return shot up to 15.79%.

Although pundits and fans were initially bullish on the Bears chances for the following 2007 season, a sense of unease slithered its way throughout Chicagoland after the ugly loss to the Indianapolis Colts in Super Bowl XLI. Those fears, sadly, were warranted. As the Bears tragically finished the 2007 season with a losing record, the S&P annual return dropped more than 10% from the previous year as the concomitant housing bubble began to burst. Unfortunately, a single year was not enough time to absorb all the disappointment endured by such a pathetic follow up effort to a promising Super Bowl season. Thus, by 2008, the win bubble that catalyzed the housing bubble that catalyzed the worldwide financial crisis was in full effect. The S&P’s annual return for 2008 was a ghastly -37.00%, and the world economy has yet to fully recover.

Heading into 2012, economists and Chicago sports columnists should be gravely concerned because all indicators show that Angelo has once again produced a win bubble. The Bears 2010 season ended in surprise appearance in the NFC Championship game—a game few analysts felt the Bears had a chance to win because there existed no good explanation for how the Bears got there in the first place. Not surprisingly, the Bears 2011 season was a disappointment, ending with a 8-8 record despite a relatively easy schedule. Sound familiar? It should: this sort of out-of-nowhere-wonderful season followed up by a heinously terrible season is the unmistakable indicator of a win bubble. Now that we’ve seen a win bubble, will we also see the bursting of another economic bubble in 2012? I certainly wouldn’t bet against it.

What can be done to stabilize the Chicago Bears success and subsequently the economy? Well, firing Angelo was a start: his tenure as general manager has been fraught with bubbles of all stripes, and the team/economy clearly needs a new direction lest the suffering continue. It is now up to all of us to hold the Bears organization responsible for putting a team together that is geared towards long-term success and economic growth rather than short-term playoff appearances with booms and shameful, shameful busts.

January 6, 2012

Stumpin With Randy by Ted Travelstead

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Stumping is a vastly important aspect of politics that often gets overlooked in the face of the ever-changing media landscape.

Whether it’s a “whistle stop tour” or quickly popping into a small town general store for a little homemade apple butter and small talk, the power of meeting people IN PERSON, and getting your message across in the process, can’t be stressed enough. In addition, a great stump speech can sway the tide in a close election!

Are you a political candidate who needs help with your stumping?

Randy, or “Stumpin’ Randy” to some, comes from a long line of stumpers with a rich political history. His great-great-grandfather, Randy, was the first man to ever cut a tree down just to give a speech on its stump. Randy is an expert on stumping or “stumpin’” as he calls it (folks find this adorable).

Randy’s been in the political game for ages, and his experience and unique approach are what keep him continually in demand as a stumpin’ strategist and coach. Let it be known that his name has been uttered in virtually every government building on the planet. Ask any politician about Randy and they’ll either smile, or shake their fist. He’s that good!

Little known facts about Randy:

  • Camp David was nearly named after him.
  • Once talked a room full of youth pastors into believing he was an Asian woman.
  • Was not involved in any way with 2000 Presidential Election.
  • Has memorized the location of all fallen space debris.
  • Often referred to as “The Lee Atwater of the North.”

Randy doesn’t care about your political affiliation. He’s a non-partisan stumpin’ coach, that cares only about making you the best stumper you can be.

Some of the things you are guaranteed to learn from Randy:

  • The “Inverted Toe Grab,” the “Spring-Heel Push,” and other creative STUMP STANCES™ that will set you apart if you find yourself actually standing on a stump, stumpin’!
  • How to communicate, “This homemade peach pie is delicious. Can I count on your vote come November?” with just a handshake.
  • How to wear a straw boater and arm garter, and still appear politically relevant.
  • How to silence any angry mob with a simple smoke bomb and a handful of glitter.
  • How to tactfully avoid eating most varieties of potato salad.

There are a select few people out there that don’t quite jibe with Randy’s teachings. Some have called him “difficult” and “unsettling,” but usually those are folks who have trouble comprehending Randy’s genius, and end up crumpling in the face of unique visionaries. If you give yourself over to Randy’s wisdom, CULLED FROM YEARS OF EXPERIENCE, your political future will be abundant. That being said, there are a few “eccentricities” you should know about before you meet the man. Just for your own comfort!

Things to know when Randy enters a room:

  • Please don’t grab at, or refer in conversation to, Randy’s homemade “stumpin’ hat.” That feather in the brim has been listed in the National Register of Historic Places.
  • A handshake from Randy may last longer than you are used to, or comfortable with. Please be patient, and open to change.
  • Randy doesn’t pronounce the letter “H.” It is silent to him. Don’t let this frighten you.
  • Randy possesses the uncanny ability to “read teeth,” and just may be able to determine your political future based on this. If he asks you to give him “some peeks,” you’d be wise to open wide.
  • Randy gets “screechy” when deprived of food or sleep.

Well, there you have it. Are you ready to master the art of stumpin’? The list of successful political household names that Randy has helped is too long to print here, but once you give over to Randy and his knowledge, you’re on your way to being on that list.

Now let’s get stumpin’!

With Randy!

November 18, 2011

Good jokes-Politician and truth

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What do you call a politician who swears to tell the truth?

A liar.

November 3, 2011

The Long Walk: A Column About Washington: Life in the Arcology by Alec Bings

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Pop quiz, hotshot: is Washington, D.C., in the United States of America?

Think carefully, and take a look at the word “States.” Sure, it may be semantic nonsense, but D.C. residents face this thought experiment on a semi-regular basis. The existential dread we feel thinking about our place in the US of A resurfaces whenever, say, the Internet posts another list of state-by-state rankings. Blogs and various desperate web-centric news orgs love a good ranked list to squeeze out a few click-throughs—and pitting areas of the country against each other will never go out of style. And with what I assume is a goal of national comprehension, the Internet now teems with lists like “America’s Top 50 States for Business” and “50 States, 50 Burgers.”

These pentacontagon catalogs strike me as something less than an inclusive snapshot of the nation’s capacity for local industry or cheeseburger grilling or whatever. The annoyance of occasionally not being included in national rankings isn’t a huge deal—I’d probably put it somewhere between not having voting representation in Congress and the continued insistence of Google Maps that our city is named “Washington, D.C., DC” (seriously; just start typing it). But the sporadic treatment of this city as something separate from the rest of you—like the butter knife that you very rarely use for spreading butter but feel you should keep because it came with the set—may carry some larger import.

Fittingly, our separation dates back to the Founding Fathers and their approval of Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution. That’s the passage that calls for the establishment of a “District (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States.” Thus was created not a capital city within the brand-new United States, but a district isolated from them. The separation was no joke. True story: it wasn’t until 1961 with the passage of the 23rd Amendment that folks here could vote in presidential elections.

Now, not being a “normal” city would be strange enough, with our district-ness conjuring up the sort of grimily unappetizing connotations suggested in the movie District 9. (I’m choosing not to make a politician/prawn-alien comparison, but know I thought about it.) But the fact that we’re the epicenter of the country’s oft-malodorous politics makes us something else entirely, something inherently distinct from the rest of the country. It’s easy to imagine professional Washington as a kind of arcology, a city in a bubble, walled off from America, the inhabitants comprised of only those sadomasochistic enough to surround themselves with the evil banality of government life.

This isolationism is bad for business. There’s a reason why members of Congress sprint home every chance they get, to show off the bridge they got funded and to excoriate other congressmen for wasting funds on their bridges. They need to re-enter the United States, and remind voters that despite working in Washington they remain human. This abasingly opprobrious soft-shoe that passes for peace in a representative democracy has more or less worked for our elected officials for many years. The District (not exceeding ten miles square) turns out to be a fine safehouse.

At least, it used to be. The last year or so has seen our sequestered city under attack. The soft susurration of discontent that Washington hears on a daily basis has been amplified into a cacophonous, galloping assault by the histrionic assemblage we know as the Tea Party. And the faux-comity created by Washington’s standard remove has been serrated by the anger on the right. Because, ultimately, what scares the left about the Tea Party is that they give a shit. Their passion—a fury blended by myopic naïveté and a potent brand of brazen chutzpah that demands immediate, radical change—is a historical anomaly. We here in D.C. know how the politics game is played. We’re cynical towards the possibility of change. We know the institutions of government seldom bend, and they hardly ever break. But the politically doctrinaire apocalypticism from the right gives us newfound pause. Some people—more than some, really; a veritable army in American flag dress shirts and/or bolo ties—are suddenly angry enough to stop knocking at our door and instead are kicking the damn thing down.

That’s the power of a movement. It’s a force that the month-old Occupy Wall Street doesn’t quite have yet. What’s happening in Lower Manhattan and around the country is finding its toehold in the public consciousness, to be sure. And even as hacky conservatives try to paint the protestors as some kind of begrimed outgrowth of Edward Sharpe and the Magnetic Zeros, there really should be no doubt that full-throated rage against economic injustice is good. (I do, however, believe drum circles are best used as a powerful emetic—just for the record.) But when I read about the demonstrative clamor echoing amid the lofty buildings around Zuccotti Park, it occurs to me that the din in D.C.—where protesting is arguably more directly relevant—doesn’t quite compare. This is not to say that the Occupy D.C. folks aren’t doing amazing things, but they do seem to blend in with the everyday public grievances of Washington. I had a chance to see Occupy D.C. in action the other day and while it was impressive it was also indistinguishable in size and volume from the nearby protest of the Keystone XL oil pipeline issue that I’m willing to wager is news to you.

But Occupy Wall Street and the Tea Party and unaffiliated citizens by the bushel will continue to remonstrate and denounce. Last month, the newspapers reported that one yardstick of national displeasure rose to its highest peak in 28 years. The “misery index”—and if you’ve got a more ominous name for a barometer, I’d like to hear it—factors in unemployment and inflation to compute just how unhappy Americans are. The citizenry is historically miserable, and Washington is surely going to keep hearing about it.

After the East Coast earthquake a few months back, jokes about the absence of damage quieted when it was revealed that the Washington Monument had suffered a four-foot crack. The National Parks Service closed it for repairs and the damaged obelisk, the tallest entity in Washington, offered up perhaps a fairly obvious metaphor. But the image I like more is the snapshot of the engineer and his ropes standing astride the top of the monument, inspecting the fracture. He seems busy, attentive to his duty, but I wonder if he should lift his head and look out to the horizon if he might be able to see the hordes howling at the gates.

November 2, 2011

American Policy Suggestions from a Chicago Sports Fan: Reduce Unemployment By Running the Ball by Matt McKenna

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What do lower taxes, a nearly trillion-dollar stimulus, and a deficit reduction package all have in common? Predictably, none of them have improved employment opportunities for regular Americans as much as their proponents had promised. One would think that because conventional wisdom from both the left and the right has failed yet again, our elected officials would take the opportunity to examine available data and concoct a rational plan of action to get Americans back to work.

One, of course, would be wrong.

Politicians, pundits, and, yes, even once-respected offensive coordinators have doubled-down on their own ideologies in the desperate hope that fact will become fiction and fantasy will become reality. While the soaring national deficit plays the part of public enemy number one for Republicans and the disappearing social safety net fills that role for Democrats, no major political group seems particularly bothered by the principal cause of our dismal unemployment picture: overindulgence in the passing game.

Constituencies/fans around the country have varying degrees of cognizance of the damage that excess passing wreaks on their local employment. Bears fans are perhaps the most acutely affected group as they suffer through what history will likely call the “Martz Downgrade” (of the Rushing Game and Employment in Illinois). That the Bears have rushed the ball the third fewest times in the NFL this year will come as no surprise to fans living in a state in which the unemployment rate is the tenth highest in the country and second highest in the NFC North.

Though their rates of unemployment are also high, two rivals within the division have fared better than the Bears. Through the first three games this season, Minnesota has thrown the ball a division low 81 times and therefore enjoys a relatively manageable unemployment rate of 7.2%. Granted, the Vikings lost each of those games, but that’s quite obviously the result of inadequacies unrelated to their run/pass balance.

Likewise, the Green Bay Packers have thrown the ball 103 times, the second fewest attempts in the division. Wisconsin subsequently maintains the NFC North’s second lowest unemployment rate at 7.9%.

And here’s where it gets painful for Bears fans: Chicago has attempted a whopping 114 passes through three games, resulting in Illinois’ absurdly high 9.9% unemployment rate. It is well known that offensive coordinator Mike Martz likes to pass the ball, but someone should inform him that the people of Illinois also like having jobs.

Just as Bears fans can take bitter solace in their team not sitting in the basement of the division standings, so too can they take solace in their state not having the highest unemployment rate in the NFC North. The Detroit Lions have thrown a division high 119 passes leading to Michigan’s staggering 11.2% unemployment rate. If Michigan would like to create job opportunities outside the Lions’ 53-man roster, perhaps the team should consider running more offense through their speedy running back, Jahvid Best and less through their star receiver, Calvin Johnson.

After its first three weeks, the National Football League was on track to set the record for most passes ever attempted in a single season. At a time when the level of unemployment is outrageously high, the nation cannot also withstand such an ostentatious display of aerial excess. As such, for the Bears’ season and Illinois’ economy to recover, there is only one rational course of action: Mike Martz has to call for more rushes and fewer passes. If Martz won’t do that, head coach Lovie Smith must find another offensive coordinator who will. Otherwise, if Cutler continues to throw at his current rate, Bears fans can look forward to not only double-digit losses, but double-digit unemployment as well.

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Sources:

“NFL.com Team Statistics.” National Football League, n.d. Web. 1 Oct 2011.

October 26, 2011

Historys a Bitch: A Dog Walk Through Time: This Dog Rules by Robb Fritz

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Behold, the Dog King! A dog that once was king sounds like the pitch for a Disney movie, but according to legend—which is a little like saying, according to whatever the hell you want to believe in—a dog did sit (and roll over, and play dead) as king of a conquered people in either Norway or Denmark during the age of the Vikings.

I’m from the land of the Vikings. Not Scandinavia, home of the conquering warrior tribes, but Minnesota, home of the notably less conquering NFL franchise. In my youth the Vikes held the record for the most fruitless trips to the Super Bowl and continue to frustrate fans with mad dashed hopes and endless despair year after agonizing year. The team got their name from Minnesota’s concentrated Scandinavian population, which is known mostly for their curious way of saying “oot and aboot,” “oh yeah dere,” “oh, y’know, can’t complain,” and the ever-present “uff da!”—uttered as though one had just been punched in the stomach—which I heard so often and used unconsciously growing up that I always assumed it was a natural sound people made, like “ow!” instead of actual words imported from Norway. The Scandinavians I grew up with bore little resemblance to their fierce berserker predecessors, and were more Garrison Keillor and Marge Gunderson then Erik the Red and Leif Ericsson.

The fierce—not to mention bloodthirsty—image of the northern warrior has been revived lately by Alexander Skarsgård as the Viking vampire Eric Northman on True Blood. And regardless of what the Coen Brothers might have done to the Scandinavian brand with their depiction of Jerry Lundegaard in Fargo, there was a time when this same race hacked, slashed and otherwise brutalized their way across northern Europe, through Great Britain and all the way to Newfoundland, on their quest to reach Austin, Minnesota, in order to fulfill their destiny as the inventors of SPAM. (Not historically accurate.) In any case, it is in the context of a combative and brutally vindictive warrior people that the stories of the dog king need to be understood.

In one version of the story, from Icelandic poet Snorri Sturluson’s “Heimskringla” (“Circle of the World”), there was once a king of the Uplands named Eystein. He was known as either Eystein the Bad, or Eystein the Great, and was in this conflicted esteem not unlike your average American President. After Eystein conquered Trondheim, Norway’s main city, he installed his son Ostrund as king. When his subjects decided they really weren’t very fond of Ostrund and killed him, Eystein went medieval on the upstarts and “ravaged the land far and wide, and subdued it.”

After this, Eystein the Now-Pissed-Off, in order to communicate his contempt for the people, gave them a choice for their next ruler: either Thorer Faxe, his servant, or Saur, his dog. Saur is pronounced “Say-err” and translates from the Icelandic as “excrement,” giving us a colorful picture of the kind of person Eystein was, namely the kind that would name his dog “Crap.” The conquered people chose the dog as their ruler, assuming that they would be rid of the dog faster.

The Dog King Saur, or King Crap, possessed “three men’s wisdom” and when he barked, he spoke one word and barked two (though it’s unclear whether he sounded more like Gilbert Gottfried or R. Lee Ermey). He wore a collar and chain of gold and silver, and his courtiers carried him on their shoulders “when the weather or ways were foul.” He had a throne like a normal king, and lived in an island mansion, in a place that became known as Saurshaug, or, literally, “Shit Pile.” Sturluson noted that the name was still used for the area in his day, centuries later. King Saur met his end when wolves broke into the royal cow pen; prodded by his courtiers he ran in to defend his own cattle, and the wolves tore him to pieces.

In modern America, so far, dogs have only made it as far as the mayor’s office, becoming mayors of towns that barely exist as legal entities. Rabbit Hash, Kentucky (Population: 5) started their tradition of dog mayors in 1998 when they first elected as mayor a mutt called Goofy with a penchant for laying in the middle of the road blocking traffic. Lucy Lou, the third in the town’s proud line of canine mayors, holds the office today. But the tiny, unincorporated town of Sunol, California gets bragging rights as the first town to elect a dog as mayor, a Labrador retriever named Bosco. There is a statue of Bosco on the back counter of the town’s main bar. When the bartender raises its back leg, it pees beer.

Rabbit Hash, the subject of a 2003 documentary of the same name, is less an independent town and more a crossroads for other communities bearing equally memorable names like Big Rock Lick, Beaver Lick and Sugar Tit, a name that Jude Gerard Prest, the director and narrator of the film, finds himself compelled to say repeatedly. While the film spends plenty of time on the elections that were held for Goofy, the real, genuine pleasure of the documentary is its depiction of the local citizenry, who talk about Rabbit Hash being the “center of the universe,” who want to make it clear that they aren’t “hillbillies or ‘hill jacks’” but more a welcoming lot of creative kids and aging hippies, and whose members include—among other creative luminaries—William R. Burleigh, the former CEO of media giant E. W. Scripps.

In the mayoral election, corruption being actually encouraged, the citizenry literally bought their votes for a dollar a piece. Goofy’s opposing candidates were another dog, a pot-bellied pig, and Rabbit Hash’s version of a village idiot (albeit one with an incredible ability for woodcarving). You have to love a town where the losing candidate’s slogan was “The Perfect Politician: HE DOESN’T TALK,” while the winning mayor’s campaign slogan was the blunt and unapologetic “If you can’t eat it or fuck it, piss on it.” Which is exactly what the town seemed to be doing with this election, in a gentle way, pissing on the corrupt excesses of the American democratic process.

While the dog mayor seemed to be the story of a people thumbing their collective noses at the whole concept of political power, it becomes clear that the Scandinavian dog king—in each variation—was about a ruler thumbing his nose at a conquered people.

The version of the story from the Danish Histories of Saxo Grammaticus tells the story of Gunnar, “bravest of the Swedes,” bravery being curiously defined by Saxo as the level of passion one has for slaughtering entire regions of men not for any political or financial reason, but merely for the pleasure of watching one’s enemy die in the throes of excruciating pain. After conquering Norway, brave, psychotic Gunnar forced the Norwegians to submit to a dog as governor. As Saxo explained, “What can we suppose to have been his object in this action, unless it were to make a haughty nation feel that their arrogance was being more signally punished when they bowed their stubborn heads before a yapping hound?” Gunnar also threatened that if anyone defied the rule of the dog governor, or failed to do tribute to him, that subject would have his limbs removed—an act which Gunnar the Brave would have definitely wanted to witness personally. “Thus he burst the bubble of the Norwegians’ conceit, to make them feel clearly how their pride was gone, when they saw themselves forced to do homage to a dog.”

I encourage you to relate to this story in terms of the political years 2001 to 2008: pride-crushed Norwegians = Liberals and Democrats, Gunnar the Psychotic = Karl Rove, yapping hound = George W. Bush. Fill in those names above and you’ll see what I mean.

A final version of the story describes the Swedish king Athils (Hakon) installing a dog to rule over the proud Danish people, once again in an act of intended humiliation. King Athils declared that when the dog died, whoever told him of the death would be killed. When the dog did die, a crafty shepherd named Snio (Snow) was sent to inform the king, and, through a clever deception—a bizarre exchange too long and incomprehensible to include here—managed to get the king himself to say that the dog had died. Having tricked Athils, Snio was made king of Denmark. But—absolute power corrupting absolutely, and so on—as king, Snio the clever shepherd ended up proving himself a real dick. He was eventually sent a “gift” from his people, a pair of gloves that were infested with lice. When he pulled the gloves on, “the lice covered his body and ate him.” Some lice! Political assassination was a lot more colorful in the good old legendary days.

Sweden, Norway and Denmark still have monarchies. I know this mainly because Prince Christian of Denmark was born eight days after my daughter, and we immediately made plans to start having her learn Danish (because YOU NEVER KNOW). Norway is the only one of the three whose current monarch, Harald V, descends directly from the country’s first king, whose historical name, Harald Fairhair, proves that books like Game of Thrones aren’t making up that goofy crap.

Regarding Harald V, there is actually a Facebook group called “Bring Back King Saur” with the slogan “Join if you agree that the current King of Norway Harold V, should removed (sic) from power and replaced by any living ancestors of former monarch Saur.” Harald V’s position on the throne is probably safe, however, since the group is listed as “Humor—Inside Joke.” I am one (newly joined) of only 20 members, and the British and Norwegian undergrads who started the group haven’t posted since 2008. And while it isn’t exactly how I picture the Dog King, the group’s profile pic is a charming photo of a shaggy sheepdog looking very amiable in what looks to be a crown from Burger King.

October 21, 2011

No Fear of Flying: Kamikaze Missions in Death, Sex, and Comedy: My Real Passion is Improv Comedy by Michelle Mirsky

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Each day is allotted 24 hours, no more no less. In spite of this, around suffering and death, time goes elastic. Even as it’s happening, you know it can’t be right. Days when things seem more or less okay are bright confetti catnaps, papery and light; brisk, filmy collages of favorite things scented with salt air and snow and cooking smoke. Snap your fingers and they’re over. Days when the big-bad is nigh become dark expanses like dying stars imploding in real time, roaring like a gun blast next to your ear and the sound hurts in your eyes and everywhere. So impossibly long as to seem without end. The ten days beginning with my 36th birthday were a jumble of these two sorts—alternating dim and manic and each pregnant with the end and the beginning of all things possible.

Day 1. I’d meant to be in Barcelona. Or at the very least in Houston from where Lev and I had just returned sooner than expected. The second opinion of the world-class doctors there was medium-grim. Lev’s prognosis is shaky as ever, but not anything we’d not recovered from at some other point in his life, right? Right. I’m crying this night, but not because my son is sick. I’m crying because the man I’ve been seeing for nearly a year has forgotten my birthday and I’m not getting laid and I’m pissed. I’m pissed in that way where all you can do is sputter and wail and clutch at pillows and fistfuls of tissues. As I cry, I uncover infinitely more and better reasons to cry, and I cry for those too. I let myself sink into it and really wallow. Because I know. This is it. I’m done. Lev’s done. It’s all done. Fuck it.

Day 2. Joss flies back from Arizona with a shitty cartoon-guy Halloween costume in his suitcase. I tease his hair into some rendering of this anime character he shows me on the package and we go trick-or-treating in our old neighborhood. I spend my first night with Joss in over two weeks. It feels like not enough.

Day 3. In the ICU with Lev. Draft break-up email to guy who forgot my birthday. Talk at length with Lev’s doctors. Rewrite break-up email. Talk to more and different doctors. Rewrite email again. Skip my writing class. Hit send on email. Wait. No response. I’m there with Lev for the night. He’s not sleeping well. I’m tired and exasperated and I wish I could fix it. I can’t.

Day 4. The nurse taking care of Lev on Tuesday has known him literally, his entire life and has never been one to get frantic. This day she endlessly wipes the sweat from her upper lip and tries not to curse under her breath while implementing the rapid fire changes ordered one after another after the other by Lev’s doctors to try and stabilize him. They’re sure he’ll declare himself in a few days and we’ll know if it’s reversible. This time, though, the doctors insist we need to make decisions about whether to let him go if things go haywire. I announce, naively, at a conference table with all of the doctors that my mother’s instinct tells me it’s not over. That he isn’t done. It isn’t time. I’m not worried. On Friday, Lev was laughing and talking and charming everyone in Houston. I’m thinking, how could this time, with his hair back and fiery, with his words back and hilarious, with everything so beautiful, how could this be his death throe?

His dad and I hold it together. We take a walk and we decide. On this day, we decide together that if and when Lev’s body tells us it’s ready to give up, we’d let him be ready. We aren’t ready. We’ll never be ready. But we would let him go if he told us he was ready. And he did. That night.

That night, I was supposed to go home to Joss. Twice I tried to leave, but Lev asked me not to go. Maybe he knew. I don’t know. Around 9 pm, something happened. An “event.” Every alarm rang, the room filled with doctors and nurses and panic. Lev had declared himself. Lev was dying. This was it. And when they asked, we told them what we’d decided. And the doctors and nurses who’d cared for Lev his entire life had to shift from saving him to supporting him—and us—as he died. They had to make it okay for us, for themselves to lose this child who had become family to them over three years of growing well and sick and well again in some or another unit of that hospital. And they did a beautiful, poetic job. They supported him with oxygen and morphine, made him comfortable, moved his crib out and a big bed in so we could lay with him. There were drinks and food on a cart. There was silence and peace and space to fall apart. We called our mothers and we told them Lev was dying. They each came to say goodbye, trading out with one another while the other kept watch over sleeping Joss. The nurses from the cancer unit came down and wept with us, held our hands, and went back to caring for children who were not dying that night.

Day 5. Lev hung on through the dark part of the night. At one point, he woke up and asked for water and talked to me for a minute. I don’t remember what he said. I wish I could remember what he said. As the hours wore on, he slipped further away into his Morphine drip, but it was night, and he should have been sleeping, so it felt right. At about 5 am, I walked over to the couch to rest for a moment and I felt the nurse stir my leg and she said: it’s time. It’s happening. And I crept over to the bed where his dad was cradling him, holding his hand. And I held his leg and his foot and he took a gasping breath and he was gone. The instant when the life of a person is gone from them is palpable. Every bit of energy left the room. No one even tried to make us move for what seemed like hours, but must have been minutes. Dozens of the nurses and doctors who’d cared for Lev came to his room and paid tribute to this baby like you would a politician lying in state. The stream of mourners was continuous until the colors were gone from the sky and the light was clear and blue and bright outside the window.

In the end, we were in the room with Lev for nearly seven hours after he died. I couldn’t stop kissing his marble-cold forehead. We met a rabbi and a funeral director. Someone made the call to have Lev moved to the funeral home where he’d be cremated. The chaplain came and told me a story about a friend of hers who had died and who visited her as butterflies. Someone brought Joss to the hospital to see me in a playroom outside the ICU. He asked if Lev would be a zombie or a ghost or if he’d see his skeleton. It all seemed normal. Joss wanted to go to preschool so someone took him there. The rabbi—a stranger until that morning—who came, at the behest of a treasured physician friend, to console and to guide us, walked me to my car, waited while I sent a text message, and watched me set out alone. When I got to my house, all I wanted in the world was to throw out every scrap of Lev’s sickness. So I pulled it out of every drawer, box, cabinet, and the grandmothers took it all away. I went through piles of paper, piles of clothes, piles and piles of piles. I pulled everything out of where I had hoarded it. And I made them throw it away. My dad dismantled the crib at some point. Everything must go. Everything.

That night, at the apartment, my mom woke up in a panic from a nightmare and I thought she was dying too. I called the paramedics and I followed the ambulance to the hospital. It was 3 am before they let me take her home.

Day 6. Lev’s dad had made plans for us to sit together with the Jewish funeral director and make the necessary arrangements. I put on a pretty blouse and makeup for some reason. And I strode in there like I was being interviewed by the media. At some point, there was coffee. We chose the urn and discussed the sort of service the rabbi might perform and she awkwardly suggested how much we should pay him.

The funeral director listened to us tell stories about Lev’s humor and recounted what others who’d known him had told her about him. She said aloud what we all were thinking—above all, the deceased was a funny kid. And then she paused as if to say something important. So we sat forward and listened intently. And she said: “I feel like we’ve shared a moment here, talking about your son Lev. Something wonderful. And I’d like to share something with you. I feel like I can do that. Because of Lev.” And we were right there with her. And she continued: “The work I do is, obviously, incredibly serious. And over the years, I’ve needed an outlet. And I have developed a passion, which I think you’ll appreciate.” We nod. “And that passion.” A pause. “Is improv comedy. I perform in an improv comedy troupe. I’ve never shared this with anyone. But I feel, because of Lev and how funny he was, I felt that I had to share it with you.” Holy shit. Lev just made his first visit. And he brought gag gifts.

Later that day, while on my way to buy new boots for the funeral, I was approached by a depressingly clean-cut panhandler. Instead of my usual side-eye, I gave him a ten-dollar bill I had in my pocket. He asked, startled: “Are you sure?” I nodded and mumbled that I’d had a hard couple of days and wanted to pay some happy thing forward. He asked if he could pray with me and I—the atheist—nodded again. He took my hands and he prayed aloud that he didn’t know what had happened in my life, but he prayed that it would get better. And as the light changed and I turned the corner into the plaza where the Nordstrom Rack awaited me he said: “I just know it’ll all be okay for you, ma’am. Do you know of any jobs in construction?”

I parked the car, dropped by keys into my purse, and I wondered where the fuck I got a ten dollar bill. And then I remembered: In my sorting rampage that morning, I had pulled it out of a long-forgotten birthday card someone had sent Lev. Lev wanted to make sure I didn’t spend his birthday money on trashy boots. Good for him.

- – -

I’ve theorized that maybe the weight of a day, the length of the sprawl of any given 24 hours is connected to its peculiarity—which part you can’t process. You hold on to every bit of incomprehensible data in hope that you’ll someday find the decoder ring and make sense of it. You keep only the Cliff’s notes of the mundane days and you hoard the encyclopedic catalog of rarities and oddities. Except for a hail of bright fragments, though, I cannot remember the day of Lev’s funeral, which was, without question, a day of epic strangeness.

Day 7. Like snapshots pinned to a clothesline, I can rearrange the images of this day a thousand times and never fill in the space between. I know what I wore (grey jacket, black skirt, black boots). I remember listening to the Black Keys’ “Everlasting Light” in the car on the way to the funeral home. I remember Lev’s dad clutching my arm as the rabbi spoke, helping me stand. Helping me not fall. I remember afterward, sitting in my backyard in the sunlight. Someone hands me scotch. I remember hugging the heart surgeon in his beautiful suit in my kitchen. There were pink frosted cupcakes in a white box. Joss is wearing a striped jacket. When I hold him close, he’s fuzzy and warm. I remember my girlfriends sitting very near to me, touching me all of the time, carrying me on their wings as if I were a baby bird. I remember eating sushi at happy hour. I remember a cocktail, a French 75, at a bar later in the evening. And a hooker. And a taco. And I remember laughing. I must have gone to sleep at some point. But I don’t remember where I slept. I don’t remember the day ending or beginning. Why can I make the detail knit together for Lev’s death, but not for his funeral?

- – -

A few days later, after being told by another friend that he is frantic, I will reunite with the man who forgot my birthday. We will cry all afternoon in bed, warm together. I will miss an appointment to get my haircut. That’s all I remember. It’s enough.

October 17, 2011

FLIP: A Column About Skateboarding: Column 18: The Last Toy Machine Demo of the Summer by Joel Rice

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On an oppressively hot, late-August afternoon, professional skateboarder Leo Romero—along with other members of the Toy Machine and Foundation skateboard teams—appeared at a downtown skatepark for their final demo of the summer.

Most skateboard “demos” follow a similar template, or protocol. Usually the event begins with a skateboard demonstration in which the visiting grandees display their physical prowess, followed by a signing in which the skaters sit behind a table and autograph t-shirts, posters, hard-goods, body parts and the occasional baby. The event often culminates in a “product toss” during which the visiting athletes hurl—as a bride her bouquet—complimentary clothing, stickers and/or skateboard equipment into a rapacious throng. In tone, demos are not dissimilar to a politician’s campaign stop. Like a rally its purpose is to stoke positive associations, make common cause, burnish a brand.

Toy Machine’s final demo of the summer—held at a downtown skate-shop/indoor skate-park in a medium-sized Southern urban center—hewed closely to the long established rhythms and rituals of this received form.

A PORTRAIT OF THE CROWD JUST BEFORE THE TOY MACHINE DEMO STARTED

Prior to the commencement of the demo a reporter—standing on an observation deck which offered wide views of the recently refurbished mini ramp and street course—bore witness to several parent/child interactions. One visibly frustrated father— paunching in a grey t-shirt, plaid shorts and shoulder length (what appeared to be) dyed blonde hair—shrilly ordered his young son to dismount from the mini-ramp. “Pearson, damn it!” he yelled. He rushed down the stairs as his son insolently “got air” on the ramp. In more sanguine moods, several mothers sat in chairs against the wall. There they talked amongst themselves or typed at laptops, absently checked BlackBerrys and other smart phones, as if the activity their children were engaged in down below were nothing more exceptional, nor less wholesome, than chess club or fencing. (Skateboarding is in the midst of a soccer-mom renaissance.) A reporter asked one father—he with shoulder-length grey hair and glasses with an aviator bar—if he had ever partaken of skateboarding’s pleasures. “Not a lick. Not a lick,” he lilted. “We were into dirt bikes and waterskiing. We didn’t have a lot of concrete out in the country.”

Among the adolescents, clothing associated with Deathwish, a skateboard company, was commonplace. One African-American youth wore a blue baseball cap which simply read DEATHWISH.

A tawny-toned adolescent, with short dreadlocks and a shirt depicting the rapper Old Dirty Bastard in the style of the iconic Shepard Fairey posters of President Barack Obama, was standing by the barricade.

Was Mr. Romero his favorite skater? “Nah. Antwuan Dixon,” he replied. Mr. Dixon, who rides for Deathwish, is nearly as well known for his legal struggles, florid substance abuse problems and extensive facial tattoos, as for his skating. Given his self-destructive tendencies one might wonder if Mr. Dixon himself has a deathwish. But Dixon is also, as our interviewee correctly stated, an exceptional talent. “His style is, like, sick,” he added. “Everything is so cool about it.”

What, asked a reporter, about the tattoos? “It’s cool, but I wouldn’t do it. He got it, I think, because he got rich as a skateboarder, so he just thinks, ‘Ok, I can do it now.’ Plus it kind of goes with the whole skater lifestyle.”

An overweight adolescent—black hair streaked with purple, an isolated air— clutched a Deathwish skateboard as though it possessed talismanic significance. Who was his favorite skateboarder?

“Rob Dyrdek,” he said. “And then on Deathwish, there is a British guy. I can’t remember his name.”

ROMERO

Soon Leo Romero, the man of the hour, strode towards the mini-ramp for a warm up. By far Toy Machine’s most prominent rider, Mr. Romero is a sinewy, shaggy-haired 25-year-old and the most recent winner of Thrasher magazine’s Skater of the Year award, still one of the sport’s highest honors, its most prestigious post. His celebrity within skateboarding was not such that the crowd immediately surged towards him. He was not mobbed. But the whispers and stolen glances made clear many registered his presence, knew that they were in the presence of greatness.

Indeed, Romero has what skateboarding has sorely lacked of late—a touch of drama, actual attitude.

A diminutive and slightly built Mexican-American, he was wearing a plain white T-shirt, arm tattoos, a pencil mustache (sometimes referred to as a “scumstash”), fitted but not “skinny” matte-blue jeans with large cuffs and a green mesh-back Toy Machine hat emblazoned with buttons and a giant white eye. The high, rough-hewn ridge of Romero’s nose lends his face a faintly savage aspect, as if obsidian had been interred between his eyes. There was a classic-Americana-folk-hero-Dean Moriarty-in-On-the-Road-quality both to his attire and quietly commanding persona.

(It brings to mind a conversation this reporter once had at a cocktail party in Cairo, Egypt of all places. An erudite Egyptian attorney, with a donnish accent he had acquired at Oxford, said, “The best thing about America is the misfits.” Though that conversation also occurred in stifling summer heat, the speaker in that instance wore a grey tweed suit, a blue contrast collar shirt.)

Expertly and without incident, Romero dropped into the mini ramp, threaded through clutches of young children. With pendulous-power he executed a textbook perfect blunt to fakie that made the most satisfying snapping sound.

THE DEMO DURING WHICH WE ARE REMINDED WHY KICKFLIPS WERE ONCE CALLED “MAGIC FLIPS”

A proprietor of the skate shop had assumed the MC duties and, into a booming microphone, issued a warm and hearty welcome to the visiting dignitaries. The 200 or so spectators had assumed positions along the grey metal barricades that lined the street course, the observation deck, and the top portion of the mini-ramp. Loud pop-music began playing on the sound-system.

A one-armed individual with a camera stood in the middle of the course photographing the proceedings. The professional skateboarder Dan Murphy’s small dog, Indy, also ran throughout the course dodging the skaters in a practiced fashion, sometimes stopping to watch the action unfold.

In years past there was a great gulf between how skateboarders performed on video, and how they performed in person. Not so with today’s top-tier. Now an attendee at a demo can reasonably expect to see exactly the same caliber of tricks performed in person as they have seen performed on film.

But even by these elevated standards, Mr. Romero’s skating is something to behold. Though the other skaters acquitted themselves admirably, he was clearly the star. You see why he is Skater of the Year.

As a giant, black and white poster of Johnny Cash glowered upon the scene, Romero began with a fakie ollie fakie 5-0 on the “hubba” ledge. With a martial artist’s assurance he then threw in a massive backside 180 kickflip for good measure. The Velvet Underground song “Rock & Roll” reverberated… It was alright…

Whereas countless professional skateboarders have ridden handrails by approaching them from the top and riding down, Romero is hailed for having been one of the first to grind and slide up rails from the bottom up. Many in the crowd were surely hoping to see Romero’s paradigm shifting, trademark tricks, to see him grind or slide up something.

They were not to be disappointed.

After personally waxing “the hubba” with his own wedge of wax, Romero made a small handful of attempts to crooked grind up the ledge, quickly meeting with success. [A hubba is a wide ledge which slopes downward like a handrail. “Hubbas” were originally christened by professional skateboarder James Kelch in reference to a specific ledge near San Francisco’s Embarcadero plaza, where persons would congregate to smoke crack cocaine, at the time colloquially known as “hubbas”.] Romero then, after only a few tries, noseblunted up the hubba. The crowd clapped and cried out. Wasting no time he rolled back to the same ledge and landed a fakie ollie, fakie 5-0 backside 180 out. Then, as a finale, Romero proceeded to kickflip up two giant steps. They were huge steps and he kickflipped up them and not off a bump or anything, just a flat ground kickflip that went up and across something very high and very long. Just jumping as high as he did would have been something of a feat, let alone getting that useless wooden toy to follow after you, flipping in the air. It’s almost not skateboarding anymore. It’s practically parkour.

“There it is!” the M.C. exalted and the crowd cheered and The Who’s “Baba O’ Riley” reached its crescendo.

It’s only teenage wasteland…Oh, yeah…

END ON A POIGNANT NOTE

Was the demo a success? Mike Sinclair, Toy Machine’s team manager, thought so. “I couldn’t ask for anything better. There was air conditioning. A bunch of kids showed up. Leo is on it. He loves skating so he’s amped up every time. He gets the kids hyped, you know? I’d say the kid’s here are generally more stoked because they don’t get to see the pros every day. In San Diego you can see them at the supermarket.”

“Leo skated rad,” said the one-armed photographer.

A blond 14-year-old, who sported a Confederate flag sticker on her white helmet, reached this verdict. “I thought he was pretty beast.”

In preparation for the product toss Toy Machine rider Matt Bennett, who would not look out of place were he to be photoshopped into a vintage Woodstock crowd scene, brought out a beautiful neon orange deck emblazoned with a giant cyclopean eye. Soon the crowd scrambled after it the way fans at a baseball game go after homerun balls.

As the signing wound down and the crowd began to thin, Mr. Romero stood behind the table on top of an obstacle known as a “pyramid.”

What, a reporter wondered, was his impression of the demo? “It was chill. It’s great having fun, skating with your friends. Luckily Toy Machine is a really awesome, laid back team when it comes to responsibilities and stuff,” said Mr. Romero. “Mostly everybody on the team knows what they have to do and they do it.”

Was Mr. Romero sad to see the season end? Was this—the last Toy Machine demo of the summer—a poignant occasion? Somehow bittersweet? He took a moment to reflect. “I’m flying home tomorrow. It was pretty much a mellow trip. We went to this strip club today called Gabrielle’s. It’s here in town,” he said. “We were the only people actually in the strip club. That’s the first time that has ever happened… But, it’s been a great summer.”

October 7, 2011

Occupy Main Street! by Teddy Wayne

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Brothers and brothers! (There are no sisters here, right? Okay, good.) Thank you all for bravely taking your helicopters out to the suburbs tonight at this so-called “Applebee’s” dining establishment to stage a sit-in on imported French divans. We will make our voices heard, whether it’s from chanting by our assistants, Tweeting via our assistants’ assistants’ intelligent phones, or getting exposure through the national media outlets we own.

For far too long we have been under the thumb of politicians elected by the masses. The government may throw us a bone with the electoral college, a small group of elites who officially choose the president, but they always cave in to the popular vote. This spineless democratic pandering is not the kind of leadership deserving of our loophole-reduced four percent federal income tax. We need honorable men with polysyllabic names that sound British, culled from the top boarding schools and Ivy League secret societies, who will dictate policy according to the guidelines proposed in our clandestine meetings and jotted down by our third-level assistants! This is America!

Our demands are as simple as the plebeian wine-drinker’s palate. Stricter regulation of corporate-employee finances, such as those of out-of-control Duluth bank clerk Joseph Plummer! Yes to more of those blue shirts with the white collars that Michael Douglas wore in Wall Street! No to costly wars that don’t involve the control of oil, but if they do, then let’s definitely think about it, or even better, act quickly, then later let others ineffectually think about it because we’ve already gone in and now it’s too late to get out!

This country was founded on the proposition that all land-owning white men with wigs are created equal. Somehow we’ve gotten away from that mission, and now bewigged men are ridiculed and considered lesser. We are working with the Wigmakers of America to overturn that prejudice. If you can’t donate stock options to the cause, we will gladly take hair. Every follicle helps.

Ah, looks like our food reserves have arrived from the outside: soda bottles filled with Dom Pérignon Rosé Vintage 1959 and pizza-flavored foie gras. Mmm—who wants a little fresh-sprayed pepper?

Lock arms in solidarity, after first putting on your suit-sleeve protectors to prevent abrasions that might degrade fine Italian wool. Someone know a fiery protest song that won’t infringe upon any intellectual property rights? And a slogan we can print on T-shirts and sell at a 300 percent markup? And a T-shirt factory in Asia with lax workplace oversight?

Remember, the power is with us; we are the one percent. And for those who might forget that important number, we’ve struck an endorsement deal with Big Milk. Our faces are on their cartons, because we’ve been “missing” from American politics for literally weeks.

Let’s line up in an orderly fashion to be replaced overnight by our interns’ interns. See you in the morning—not too early, so we can all squeeze in a game of racquetball and a sauna. Maybe tomorrow we can lock out the customers who have so callously crossed our police-enforced picket line. Which one of us here owns Applebee’s?

October 7, 2011

Historys a Bitch: A Dog Walk Through Time: Checkered by Robb Fritz

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This is the story of a very successful politician, his family dog, and how that dog took part in saving his political skin. It’s tempting, if wholly misleading, to write something catchy like “Nixon’s political career was famously saved by the family dog,” as though Nixon’s career were floundering in a lake when the cocker spaniel steadfastly dog-paddled out, grabbed Nixon’s career in its teeth, and pulled it gasping but safe to the shore. More accurately, this is a story that illustrates Richard Milhous Nixon’s natural genius as a politician, and his ability and willingness to take huge political risks with enormous political payoff.

It’s very hard from our vantage point to remember there was ever a time when Nixon’s name did not immediately evoke political scandal at the highest levels, or a time when the last syllable of a now-notorious Washington hotel was not added as shorthand for political corruption to whatever is serving as the scandal or pseudo-scandal of the day: Travelgate, Plamegate, Rathergate, Whitewatergate, etc. etc. It’s difficult even for someone like me, the child of hardcore conservative parents who shared the unshakeable conviction that Nixon was a Republican saint laid low by a merciless, vindictive liberal press. At the mere mention of the “White House tapes” my parents would practically stick their fingers in their ears and repeat “nah nah nah” loudly before inevitably accusing a person of having been brainwashed by the liberal (meaning, basically, communist) press. (And no joke. My parents, if I or my brothers ever chose to argue with them politically, were all too ready to accuse us, their own flesh and blood, of being remarkably easy dupes for the liberal, red-leaning, fellow traveling press.)

Nevertheless, as hard as it is now to believe, before Watergate and the White House Plumbers entered the national lexicon, Nixon was a political force to be reckoned with.

He had made enemies, of course, as successful politicians do. He particularly ruffled feathers when he chose to nearly out-McCarthy McCarthy at hunting communists in the late forties and early fifties. As a member of the House Un-American Activities Committee, Nixon had chaired the Senate’s efforts to prosecute a former State department official named Alger Hiss, who had been accused of being a Soviet agent. The case ended up being so notoriously inconclusive that it was the perfect litmus test for whatever conclusion you personally chose to draw from it. Either Alger Hiss had been framed, and the anti-communists were witch hunters who used the threat of communism for shameless political advancement; or Hiss was guilty, and Nixon, McCarthy and their pinko-fingering ilk were national heroes trying to ferret out the insidious rot that threatened to destroy our nation from within. (Amazingly, over sixty years later, after years of international research, ceaseless efforts by Alger Hiss to clear his own name, and a parade of former Soviet operatives unloading facts for and against Hiss’s guilt from old KGB documents, there is still no definitive evidence one way or the other to determine his culpability or innocence.)

So when a potential scandal involving Nixon was uncovered, some members of the press were ready to pounce. In September 1952, two months after Nixon had been named as Dwight Eisenhower’s running mate on the Republican Presidential ticket, it was revealed that Nixon had been making use of a political fund to defray his cost of campaigning. While it was the sort of campaign chest that today wouldn’t lift an eyebrow or merit a whisper of concern, in 1952 it was treated like a damning sign of undue influence being wielded by moneyed interests. In the space of little over a week, after first being asked about it in passing following an appearance on Meet the Press, Nixon, who was on the road campaigning on a whistle stop tour, suddenly found himself confronted with growing calls for his withdrawal from the Republican ticket.

The clamor grew. Eventually the head of the Republican National Committee suggested to Murray Chotiner, Nixon’s campaign manager, that Nixon give a national speech on TV to make his case to the American people. Aware that his place on the Republican ticket was in increasingly serious jeopardy, Nixon agreed to deliver a half hour speech on Tuesday, September 23rd, live from the El Capitan Theater in Hollywood, to be aired nationally on NBC. It was filmed with Nixon sitting behind and walking around a small desk next to a full bookshelf, a perfect diorama of slightly shabby domestic productivity, while his wife Pat sat to the right.

The first part of the speech Nixon used to explain what the political fund was, why he used a political fund in order to avoid having to use “taxpayer’s dollars” to support his political campaigning, and how as a man of humble means—not born to wealth like, say, Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic candidate for president—he needed to be able to handle the considerable costs of running for office.

He then took the remarkable and unprecedented step of providing a detailed breakdown of his and his wife’s entire financial holdings, their savings, investments, loans, and mortgages on their two homes (in one of which, Nixon got to point out, his elderly parents were living.) He delivered the speech first from behind, then walking in front of the desk, while his wife Pat sat looking on in what felt like admiring silence, the model of a deferential American wife. (Later, she said that she was so rapt because she had no idea what he was going to say and wanted to find out. She was also mortified to hear her husband baring their financial souls to the world.)

After this thorough financial disclosure, he delivered the first of two emotional punchlines, saying that while his wife Pat didn’t have a mink coat, she had a “respectable Republican cloth coat,” a line he’d been using on the campaign trail in an attempt to dislodge the perception that he was being paid off by wealthy donors. But, as evidenced by the fact that it is not called the “Cloth Coat speech,” it was what immediately followed, a reference to the family’s recently acquired cocker spaniel, that was the speech’s clincher.

The exact quote was: “One other thing I probably should tell you because if we don’t they’ll probably be saying this about me too, we did get something—a gift—after the election. A man down in Texas heard Pat on the radio mention the fact that our two youngsters would like to have a dog. And, believe it or not, the day before we left on this campaign trip we got a message from Union Station in Baltimore saying they had a package for us. We went down to get it. You know what it was? It was a little cocker spaniel dog in a crate that he’d sent all the way from Texas. Black and white spotted. And our little girl—Tricia, the 6-year-old—named it Checkers. And you know, the kids, like all kids, love the dog and I just want to say this right now, that regardless of what they say about it, we’re gonna keep it.”

In fact, Checkers’ part in the “Checkers speech” took up slightly less than a minute of the nearly half hour delivery. But it had everything, namely: 1) a dog, 2) adorable pet-name-giving children, 3) mean, oppressive political enemies that would dare to do the unthinkable and take said dog away from said children, and 4) their stalwart father vowing to fearlessly defend them against such heartless (Liberal, probably Communist) enemies. It was, in its way, the very picture of Nixon’s chosen role as an anti-communist warrior writ small and domestic. Thus was the speech given the name by which it would become known, and by which any kind of soul-bearing, borderline mawkish political speech—the rhetorical version of baby-kissing—would be thereafter classified: the Checkers speech.

He then threw down the gauntlet, insisting that all of the other candidates perform a full financial disclosure as he had done, most pointedly Adlai Stevenson, who he had neatly painted throughout the speech as both a communist apologist and a pampered child of privilege, in contrast to his own story of humble beginnings. He used the opportunity to unapologetically insist on the necessity of his role in the Hiss trial and explained why he felt it was necessary for Eisenhower to take over in the White House, “to drive the crooks and the Communists out of Washington.” In conclusion, he made a direct appeal to his fellow Americans to write into the Republic National Committee and let them know whether they thought he should stay or go.

There was a precedent for the Checkers part of the speech. Six years to the day before Nixon’s speech, FDR had responded to Republican accusations that he had used a military ship, at the cost of millions of dollars, to recover his treasured Scottish terrier Fala from the Aleutian islands. In FDR’s own dog speech, the Fala speech, famous in its day, he used humor to mock the Republican charges, talking about how Fala, as a good Scot, was appalled to hear these accusations against him, and “hadn’t been the same dog since.”

The two different dog speeches are remarkable in the degree to which they mirror—nearly exactly—the difference to this day between Democratic and Republican rhetorical mannerisms. FDR’s speech is pure Clinton, and now Obama: self-mocking, humorous, seeking to make the opposition seem silly and trite. Nixon’s speech, on the other hand, would do any Tea Party candidate proud. He is saving America from the godless hordes (whether communist, terrorist, or otherwise), while he and his wife are selfless, humble, devoted servants of the American people looking not to line their pockets but to do their part to save and advance America’s greatness. There is also an earnest stiffness to his delivery that reminds me ever so slightly of a Michelle Bachmann, say, or a Rand Paul.

The speech was a grand slam, delivered to a viewing audience of 60 million Americans, the largest national audience ever to tune in to a TV broadcast up to that point. At first, Nixon thought the speech was a failure, saying about an Irish setter that ran next to their car as they drove away from the theater, “Well, we made a hit in the dog world anyway.” But he was soon to find out differently. Public support was overwhelmingly in his favor. In the end, Nixon’s kids did keep the dog, Nixon kept the nomination, and a little over a month later Ike won the election in a landslide.

The long-term effects of the speech were murkier. There were suggestions that he lost the 1960 election to Kennedy because of the speech. But as Nixon pointed out, he wouldn’t have been around in 1960 if it hadn’t been for the Checkers speech (which he insisted on calling “the Fund speech”, resentful of the idea that the family dog was the sole reason for the speech’s success). He celebrated the speech’s anniversary each year and insisted that all of his speechwriters study it thoroughly.

Checkers himself died in 1964, two years after Nixon “quit” politics saying, “You won’t have Nixon to kick around anymore,” and four years before he would finally gain the office he had coveted for so long, an office for which he would later pay such a hefty price, invoking a scandal which no amount of full disclosure and dog-invoking rhetoric could save him.

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